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2007 State Department report on human trafficking in Ethiopia

ETHIOPIA (Tier 2)


Ethiopia is a source country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of forced labor and sexual exploitation. Rural children and adults are trafficked internally to urban areas for domestic servitude and, to a lesser extent, for commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor, such as in street vending, traditional weaving, or agriculture. Ethiopian women are trafficked primarily to Lebanon and Saudi Arabia for domestic servitude; other destinations include Bahrain, Djibouti, Kenya, Sudan, Tanzania, the U.A.E., and Yemen. Small percentages of these women are trafficked into the sex trade after arriving at their destinations. Small numbers of men are trafficked to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States for low-skilled forced labor. Some Ethiopian women have been trafficked onward from Lebanon to Turkey and Greece.

The Government of Ethiopia does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. While Ethiopia's ongoing efforts to detect cases of child trafficking within the country are notable, its weak record of prosecuting these crimes is a continued cause for concern. To further its anti-trafficking efforts, the government should improve the investigative capacity of police and enhance judicial understanding of trafficking to allow for more convictions of traffickers.

Prosecution
While the government's efforts to investigate trafficking cases significantly increased during the reporting period, prosecution of cases referred to the prosecutor's office remained inadequate. Ethiopia's penal code prohibits all forms of trafficking for labor and sexual exploitation; those violating these statutes face from 5 to 20 years' imprisonment, punishments that are sufficiently stringent and exceed those prescribed for other grave crimes. Proclamation 104/98, which governs the work of international employment agencies, was revised in 2006 and awaits parliamentary ratification. During the year, 925 cases of child trafficking were reported to the police, a significant increase over the previous year. Of these, 67 cases were referred to the prosecutor's office. In September, one trafficker was convicted and sentenced to 13 years in prison and a $596 fine for forcing two children into domestic servitude. Twenty-three cases are pending prosecution, and the remaining 43 were closed for lack of evidence or absconded defendants. During the year, police in Awassa and Shashemene apprehended at least 10 traffickers traveling with children intended for sale to farmers in the Oromiya region. Some local police and border control agents are believed to accept bribes to overlook trafficking.

Protection
Though the government lacks the resources to provide material assistance to trafficking victims, a joint police-NGO child victim identification and referral mechanism operates in the capital. The Child Protection Units (CPUs) in each Addis Ababa police station rescued and collected information on trafficked children that facilitated their return to their families; the CPUs referred 240 trafficked children to IOM and local NGOs for care in 2006. Local police and administrators assisted in the repatriation of trafficked children to their home regions. The government did not provide financial or other support to NGOs that cared for victims. Ethiopian officials abroad received no training on recognizing or responding to human trafficking and remain largely uninformed of the issue. Ethiopia's consulate in Beirut, for example, dispensed limited legal advice to victims and referred them to church and NGO partners for assistance. While authorities did not detain or prosecute repatriated trafficking victims, they made no effort to interview returned victims about their experiences in the Middle East.

Prevention
Ethiopia's efforts to prevent international trafficking increased, but measures to increase awareness of internal trafficking were lacking. In 2006, the Ministry of Labor (MOLSA) licensed 19 additional employment agencies to send workers to the Middle East. In mid-2006, its counselors began offering a pre-departure orientation, providing 8,359 prospective migrants with information on the risks of irregular migration. MOLSA, in conjunction with the Ethiopian consulate in Lebanon, verified and approved labor contracts for 8,200 workers; some of these contracts reportedly originated from black market brokers rather than legitimate migrants independently securing employment. In late 2006 and early 2007, police apprehended several illegal "employment agents" attempting to deceive potential migrants with fraudulent job offers from the Middle East; the cases are under investigation. The inter-ministerial counter-trafficking task force met monthly during the second half of the year and, in November 2006 and January 2007, conducted two three-day training workshops in Addis Ababa and Nazareth for 105 participants, including high court judges, national labor bureau personnel, and police commissioners. It also gave three 25-minute awareness-raising interviews on national radio. National radio aired IOM's weekly anti-trafficking program and, in December, national television aired a documentary highlighting the problem of trafficking. Ethiopia has not ratified the 2000 UN TIP Protocol.


Source: State Department

------------------

 

ST. PAUL, Minnesota: Ethiopia was not on Mark and Vera Westrum-Ostrom's list when they first visited Children's Home Society & Family Services here to explore an adoption.

Ukraine was first, because of their family heritage, until the couple discovered that the adoption system there was chaotic, with inaccurate information about orphans' health and availability. Vietnam was second, after they saw videos of well-run orphanages. But the wait would be at least a year and a half.

Then they learned about Ethiopia's model centers for orphans, run by American agencies, with an efficient adoption system that made it possible for them to file paperwork in early September and claim 2-year-old Tariku, a boy with almond eyes and a halo of ringlets, at Christmas.

From Addis Ababa, the capital, they traveled to the countryside to meet the boy's birth mother, an opportunity rare in international adoption. The process was affordable compared with adoptions in other countries, and free of bribes, which are common in some nations.

It is no wonder, given these advantages, that Ethiopia has become a hot spot for international adoption by Americans. Even before the actress Angelina Jolie put adoption in Ethiopia on the cover of People magazine in 2005, it was growing. The number of adoptions there by Americans is still small - 732 children in 2006, out of a total of 20,632 foreign adoptions. But the growth curve, up from 82 children in 1997, is the steepest that adoption officials have ever seen. Ethiopia now ranks fifth among countries for adoption by Americans, up from 16th in 2000. In the same time period, the number of American agencies licensed to operate there has grown to 22 from one.

The growing interest in Ethiopia comes at a time when the leading countries for international adoption - China, Guatemala and Russia - are, respectively, tightening eligibility requirements, under scrutiny for corruption in its adoption system, or closing the borders to American agencies.

Ethiopia's sudden popularity also comes with risks, U.S. and Ethiopian government officials say.

"I don't think we'll be able to handle it," said Haddush Halefom, an official at the Ministry of Women's Affairs, which oversees adoption. "We don't have the capacity to handle all these new agencies and we have to monitor the quality, not just the quantity."

Capping the number of agencies is one solution. And that is what some international adoption officials in the United States are now urging the Ethiopian government to do.

Late last month, the talk of the Ethiopian adoption chat rooms was Christian World Adoption, an established agency, although relatively new to Ethiopia, that gave three children to the wrong families. That case prompted inquiries by the U.S. State Department; the nonprofit Joint Council on International Children's Services in Virginia, a child welfare and advocacy organization; and the adoption agency itself, Thomas DiFilipo, president of the joint council, said.

Officials at Christian World Adoption did not reply to e-mail messages or telephone calls. But DiFilipo said the agency was reviewing its procedures and had hired immigration attorneys to reverse adoptions if the families wished to do so.

Ethiopia, with a population of 76 million, has an estimated five million orphans, according to aid organizations. Many African countries have outlawed or impeded the adoption of their children by foreigners.

Ethiopia has welcomed American and European families who are willing to provide homes for children who have lost both parents to AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis or starvation, or who come from families too destitute to feed and clothe them. Two elements distinguish Ethiopia's adoption system, according to dozens of experts. One is the existence of transitional homes for orphans, in the countryside and in the capital, that are paid for by American agencies. These provide services and staffing rare in the developing world.

Not long ago, Sandra Iverson, a nurse from the first U.S. international adoption clinic, at the University of Minnesota, visited the Ethiopian centers of the Children's Home Society. She left confident that Ethiopia's orphans enjoyed unusual care.

"You don't hear crying babies," she said. "They are picked up immediately."

The other signature of Ethiopian adoption is that adopting families are encouraged to meet birth families and visit the villages where the children were raised. Some adoption agencies provide DVDs or photographs that document the children's past. Russ and Ann Couwenhoven, in Ham Lake, Minnesota, recently showed one such video to 6-year-old Tariku, one of three children they have adopted from Ethiopia. The boy seemed proud of the uncle who had sheltered him for as long as he could

 

Sisters Besso, 5, left, and Hattie, 11, at home in Minnesota. Besso is one of three Ethiopian siblings who joined the family via adoption. (Ben Garvin/The New York Times)

Efficient adoptions attract U.S. couples to Ethiopia

(Page 2 of 2)

Linda Zwicky brought 2-year-old Amale home last month with a letter from her grandmother that described holding the motherless infant at her breast even though she had no milk.

Sometimes such vividness is too much. Melanie Danke and her husband, who live in Minneapolis, adopted siblings, 6-year-old twins and a 3-year-old. One of the twins "would work herself up until she was inconsolable" looking at photographs of the aunt and grandmother who raised her, Danke said. So she has tucked the photos away for now.

Some parents anguished, as did Karla Suomala of Decorah, Iowa, when she arrived in Addis Ababa to adopt 5-year-old Dawit and his 21-month-old sister, Meheret. "It's hard to know what the right thing is to do," Suomala said. "Should we just give all the money we're spending on this to the children's mother?"

Suomala and her husband, David Vasquez, had already spent time with her. "It was obvious the birth mother loved her children. She said to us, 'Thank you for sharing my burden,' " Vasquez said.

Will Connors reported from Addis Ababa.

 
Time to declare war on dysfunctional behaviors
By Dessalegn Asfaw | September 21, 2006

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The recent controversy surrounding Kinijit supporters in the
diaspora--Kinijit USA (KUSA) and Kinijit International Leadership (KIL) -- is
the latest in a history of feuding and infighting among Ethiopian political
interest groups and parties. Indeed, over the past few decades, we have seen
countless political organizations created, only to be shortly disbanded,
abandoned, or rendered ineffective, often because of intra-group conflict --
conflict among the membership -- and an inability to resolve conflict.
I believe that these conflicts are a fundamental reason for the absence of
democracy in Ethiopia today. Indeed, it is these conflicts, magnified to a
national level, that have resulted in dictatorship after dictatorship in
Ethiopia. Endless feuding and infighting from the grassroots level on
upwards have made it difficult for Ethiopians to attain the organic
solidarity necessary to build and sustain the institutions necessary for
democracy. I think it is imperative that pro-democracy activists make
awareness of intra-group conflict a top priority in the struggle for
democracy. But before I make my case, I would like to describe the nature of
the problem in greater detail.


Here are a few interesting points. First, the intra-group conflicts we see
in Ethiopian collectives are seldom caused by differences in ideology,
organizational structure, or other substantive reasons. Nor are they
confined to organizations whose members come from a wide variety of
backgrounds and perspectives. Indeed, the most virulent conflicts occur in
apparently homogenous groups whose memberships have not only similar
ideologies, but similar frames of reference, perspectives, and interests.
The current KUSA/KIL conflict, for the most part, is an example of this.

Another interesting point is that such conflicts occur just as much in the
Ethiopian diaspora as they do in Ethiopia. This is interesting because, in
the diaspora, factors such as poverty, political oppression, lack of
education, etc., do not exist.

Finally, intra-group conflicts are not restricted to organizations of a
political nature. They are found in all types of Ethiopian collectives. We
can observe chronic feuding and infighting in families, extended families,
non-political civic organizations such as professional associations,
churches, local community organizations, charity organizations, and others.

So, why is there so much intra-group conflict, characterized by personal
feuds and infighting, in Ethiopian society? And when there is conflict, why
is conflict resolution so difficult? One explanation is that we have been
brought up in an environment where certain dysfunctional behaviours that
hamper effective communication and cause conflict are the norm. Below is a
list of some of these behaviours that I have observed. I ask readers to
reflect on whether you have seen them in yourself; in others; in meetings
and other group settings.

Personalization of issues: This is when we are unable to conceptually
distinguish between people and their ideas or thoughts. For example, if
someone objects to a suggestion I make, I see the objection as personal
attack, not as a simple difference of opinion. In response to the perceived
personal attack, I respond with a personal attack, instead of discussing the
issues. Hence, the initial disagreement over ideas turns into a personal
struggle, and because it is a personal struggle where pride and survival are
at stake, we end up unable to constructively 'agree to disagree'. Groups
whose members find it difficult to 'agree to disagree' become paralyzed by
feuding and infighting and eventually collapse.
Parochialism (weganawinet): We tend to irrationally favour those from our
own kin or wegen--family, village, team, ethnic group--no matter what the
cost. For example, if a person from my wegen has a conflict with a stranger
(be'ad), a person outside my wegen, I automatically favour my colleague, no
matter what the substance of the disagreement. Furthermore, I extend the
conflict to a dislike of the stranger and his entire wegen--his family,
friends, place of employment, ethnic group, etc. This is the root of blood
feuds (dem). Parochialism within organizations leads to ineffectiveness, as
decisions are made based on who supports the decisions, rather than on their
merit. It also leads to organizations being split into smaller and smaller
factions, and eventually collapsing. For example, an organization may split
into two main factions. Factions will develop within those factions, and
further splitting will occur, until the organization fails.
Chronic suspicion and mistrust (teretaray): We view each other first and
foremost as potential threats. With such a heightened level of
threat-awareness, any idea or thought, no matter how innocuous, is quickly
considered to have negative ulterior motives behind it. Even the most
innocent comments by the closest of friends can be misinterpreted as
sinister, resulting in the breakup of fruitful relationships. This behaviour
is a fundamental cause of conflict in a group setting. By definition, no
group can be effective without trust.
Paranoia: As we view everyone as a threat, we tend to disproportionately
develop a paranoid outlook in our interaction with others, with the 'threat'
foremost in our minds in all our interactions. This paranoia, in a group
setting, results in organizational paralysis, with everyone looking over
their shoulder and hesitant, instead of working towards the common goal.
Lack of empathy and empathetic understanding: Empathy, the ability to
identify with or understand others' situation, feelings, and actions, is
critical for effective communication and teamwork. However, in Ethiopian
society, we are not sensitized to the importance of empathy. We do not ask
questions such as 'what in his background might have caused him to react
this way', or 'what would I have done in his shoes'. This leads us to make
erroneous judgements based on incomplete understandings, which leads to
misunderstanding and conflict within groups.
Lack of suspending judgement or giving others the benefit of the doubt:
Suspending judgement is fundamental to effective communication.
Unfortunately, the combination of chronic suspicion and lack of empathetic
understanding lead to the absence of awareness about the concept of
suspending judgement and giving others the benefit of the doubt. If someone
does something we do not understand, we do not ask, 'Perhaps there is
something he knows that I don't,' or 'Let me wait and see before making a
judgement.' We judge hastily, without taking time to examine all
possibilities. This results in erroneous judgements and personal conflicts.
Character assassination (sem matfat and alubalta): Rather than addressing
conflict directly, we chronically spread rumours and innuendo about those
with whom we disagree. We engage in character assassination because we know
that it is an effective weapon in our society. Since we do not give each
other the benefit of the doubt, we tend to believe bad things about others!
A strategy of muddying someone's reputation will render them useless, as
people will simply have had their existing suspicions confirmed. Obviously,
character assassination quickly leads to infighting and paralysis in groups,
a scenario with which most of us are familiar.
Lack of openness: Openness facilitates effective communication. As
Ethiopians, we are not open and forthcoming about our thoughts and expect
the same guarded approach from others. This is related to our lack of
empathy, which makes us afraid of being judged hastily and incorrectly if we
speak openly. This fear leads us to be initially vague, unclear, and
non-committal, which inevitably leads to communication gaps and
communication breakdown, as others persistently try to interpret the hidden
meaning of what we say, and often end up interpreting negatively and
incorrectly. Lack of openness leads to misunderstanding and conflict.
Holding grudges (qim and mequeyem): We tend to chronically hold on to
personal grudges. Understanding or forgiveness of perceived affronts is seen
as weakness, as it is assumed that everyone is and remains to be a threat.
In a group setting, there are bound to be conflicts, and if people hold on
to grudges, there can be no effective teamwork.
Envy (mequegnenet): We hate it when others are better off than us in any
context, but instead of struggling to improve our own lot, we work to reduce
others'! This comes from our ingrained perception that everything in life is
a zero-sum game. If someone is rich, it is because another is poor. If
someone is happy, it is because another is sad. It is as if the world has
been alloted a fixed amount of wealth, happiness, etc., and it has been
ordained that everyone should have more or less the same amount. Failing
this, the ones with more must have committed some kind of crime to improve
their lot and the ones who have less must be cursed.
Stubbornness and lack of compromise (getterenet): Because of our zero-sum
view of the world, compromise is seen as a weakness. We do not understand
the concept of compromise as a building block for future win-win endeavours.
Instead, compromise is seen as a loss forever.
I am sure that all of us have seen first hand these behaviours manifested in
various contexts. We have also seen the resulting conflicts in our various
collectives, from families to religious groups to political organizations.

On the other hand, most of us in the diaspora have been exposed to
non-Ethiopian collectives where, generally speaking, such conflicts occur
far less often. We have also observed that these collectives are, as a
result, far more effective and efficient than Ethiopian collectives.

In order to bring Ethiopian collectives, including Ethiopian pro-democracy
and human rights organizations such as KUSA and KIL, to this level, it is
crucial that we find a way to raise awareness that intra-group conflict is a
fundamental barrier to democracy, to put an end to our dysfunctional group
behaviours, and to promote positive, constructive behaviours that reduce
conflict, increase our capacity for conflict resolution, and increase
collective consciousness and organic solidarity.

To this end, as a first step, I suggest that all organizations draft a code
of conduct document. The aim of this document should be primarily to raise
awareness about dysfunctional behaviours, the problem of intra-group
conflict, and the importance of effective communication. In addition, the
code of conduct should provide guidelines of behaviour and conduct, along
with explanations for the guidelines.

My second suggestion is that there should be a collective attempt to
stigmatize dysfunctional behaviours in our everyday lives. For example, we
must make it telek newur to attack anyone personally instead of addressing
issues. We must not only refuse to listen to character assassination, but
openly chastise and correct those who do it. In a charitable and
constructive manner, of course--we have to keep in mind that most of us
engage in such behaviour almost unknowingly, because of the culture we have
grown up in. Unless sensitized to the ramifications of such speech and
actions, we cannot become fully aware of the consequences.

I believe that these two actions alone will result in a significant
reduction in the chronic feuding and infighting in our collectives and
organizations. The resulting increase in organic solidarity and collective
consciousness will, in due course, crowd out dictatorship at all levels of
our society, including the political. The democratic culture at the
grassroots will end up being reflected at the national level.

Indeed, imagine diaspora pro-democracy groups devoid of feuding and
infighting. They would make great strides in improving the prospects for
democracy in Ethiopia. Imagine that behaviours such as suspicion and
paranoia were no longer the norm in Ethiopia. Dictatorship, which thrives on
suspicion and paranoia, would disappear shortly.

Doing away with dysfunctional behaviours and intra-group conflict is the
only way to achieve democracy. To those who believe in democracy for
Ethiopia, I say, we need an all-out campaign: Let us declare war on
dysfunctional behaviours!

--------
The writer can be reached for comments at dessalegn_asfaw@yahoo.com

Selam All,

Appeal to Ethiopian Woyzazirt.

This is very much the truth everywhere, in spite that women represent over fifty percent of the people in Diaspora. They are big money earners, they are a big number of qualified professionals and highly skilled technicians. They hold the family and society together. They maintain our traditional values and traditions.

Yet, we see very few of them participating in our politics. In our history women have played a major role Mentewab, Taytu, Shweraged and countless others. Mothers, patriots, warriors, administrators and so forth.

Gentle Ladies, please get involved even if you have to fight the 'macho' jazz of the men-folks.

Don't forget that Ethiopia our beautiful motherland is a SHE.

The following is something I wrote on the subject some time ago. 

Ketalq akbrot gar.

June 17, 2001

A  MATTER OF GENDER

Does anyone know why historically Ethiopia belongs to the feminine gender? Why do we always call her ‘Inatatchin (mother) Ethiopia’?

Strangely enough most countries, France , Britain,  India, Greece, Italy, Egypt and many others are symbolized by the feminine gender. This is one of those questions that pops up suddenly in one’s mind, from the recess of an instinctively male oriented memory.

My interpretation is, that while men went gallivanting to wars and conquests, the women were the ones that assured the survival of the species. They took care of the family, they raised the children, they are the binds that keeps together the society and its values.  They are the permanent and pivotal element in a chaotic and more than often violent world.

Coming to our own Ethiopian women, whether poor or rich, whether beautiful or not,  whether educated or not, their spirit and grace has no equal.   I have known them as mothers, wives, lovers, sisters, daughters, children, colleagues, co-workers, professionals, patriots, artists, business women and in all walks of life.  I have seen them in the most difficult and most dire circumstances, in war and peace, their courage and resilience, their loyalty and compassion, their charm and savoir-faire has always been admirable. 

They, being the pillar of society, I ask why they have almost no role in our political life?  In numbers they represent over fifty percent of the people, they have skills and wealth, they share fully in all endeavors of life. Yet, their participation in the current national political scene is almost nil.  Historically, in Ethiopia women have played great roles in the body-politics of the times, how come that in this age of progress and enlightenment, women are excluded from this vital function in our national life?  In simple terms, when we talk of democracy and of one person (man!) one vote, can we do without fifty percent of the voting population?

Unfortunately, the male chauvinist dominated politics of our time has not done well, if it has not been disastrous.  I think we better go to our old Mother Ethiopia, and give their rightful place in our politics, to our beautiful, gracious and insightful ladies. 

Best regards.

IZ

Today in Ethiopia, economic, political and human rights are grossly violated across the country this means that Ethiopian women are found in most dehumanizing and oppressive conditions. Very young women and children are the primary victims of infectious diseases, poverty, prostitution and modern slavery under the current most oppressive and genocidal regime of Meles Zenawe.
 

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Comments and Discussion

 LET US CELEBRATE MARCH 8

 

In many countries the tradition of celebrating March 8 by expressing solidarity and raising current and pertinent demands of women, has been going on ever since women first came out to defend their rights. Our organization the International Ethiopian Women’s Organization, the IEWO, calls on Ethiopian women the world over to target March 8, 2007 as a day of mobilization and express their solidarity with women in which ever way they consider to be convenient for them. Papers could be prepared on different aspects of women’s condition in Ethiopia. In our country there is a lot to be done concerning the rights of the girl child, doing away with harmful traditions like abduction, rape, sexual mutilations etc. Discussions could also be initiated and carried on questions like the need of a women’s organization, a better tomorrow for Ethiopia's children etc.

The History of March 8: International Women’s Day

 

The celebration of March 8 as the international women’s day is dedicated to the struggle of American women who raised their banners in 1857 in the USA. Women workers in textile industries organized the first demonstration for equal pay and the demonstration was put down harshly. In 1893 women were enabled enough to vote for the first time ever in New Zealand, in other countries women will be able to vote after many decades as the history here below shows clearly. March 1908 the suffragettes started their long struggle for the right to vote in Great Britain. March 8 1910 European women organized themselves and met in Holland to create the first ever international organization of women.  March 1911 saw the demonstration of 1 million women in Europe.

 

The struggle continued to obtain the right to vote and on March 8 1914 women in Germany came out to defend their rights to vote, and Russian women created clandestine organizations of women. March 1915 women in Oslo came out to demonstrate against the war.

 

In some countries like in France women obtained the right to vote only in 1944, when the struggles for decolonization bare its fruits in some of its colonies. 100 000 French women marched out on March 8 1948. Throughout the 60’s women’s struggle raged both in Europe and the USA. In Switzerland women obtained the right to vote only in 1971, unbelievably late for the European context.

 

This is how women made their history by demanding their rights, fighting for equal pay for equal work with men, and for the right to vote. Until the 70’s women’s eligibility was only theoretical or symbolical even in the most developed countries.

 

Finally the UN sponsored meetings on March in 1975 and officially celebrated International Women’s day in 1977. The 1st World conference on women was organized in 1975 in Mexico, the 2nd in Copenhagen, the 3rd in Nairobi, the 4th in Beijing in 1995 and the 5th in New York.

 

In 2005 a World wide march was organized in many countries culminating at the conference in New York.

 

Today, women are active within the World Social Forum which has branches in all continents and called international meetings in Porto Allegre, Brazil, in Mumbai, India and the last to date in Bamako, Mali in 2006.

 
Give it the above title to make people read documents on women's condition the world over
 violence against women and children 
http://www.unicef.org/pon97/women1.htm



Migrant Women for a Better Europe European Social Forum




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